The topic of
discussion for this Constitution Monday comes from Section 3 of the Fourteenth
Amendment to the Constitution of the United States: “No person shall be a Senator or
Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold
any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State,
who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer
of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an
executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the
United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the
same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of
each House, remove such disability.”
This statement made it legal to
exclude from any elected office or public appointment any former official who
had pledged to uphold the U.S. Constitution and then taken part in a rebellion
against the United States. This
provision was apparently written specifically against those men who had fought
against the Union in the Civil War.
W. Cleon Skousen explained, “It
is obvious from this provision that the radical leadership of the Congress
which wrote the Fourteenth Amendment had very little of the spirit of healing
and reconciliation exhibited by Lincoln or even by General Grant when Lee surrendered. As a result, the South was deprived of its
experienced, traditional, and most responsible leadership. Except for the issue of slavery, some of this
leadership provided the nation with some of its best elements of political
wisdom prior to the war.
“The Fourteenth Amendment was
ratified on July 9, 1868, and on Christmas Day of the same year, President Andrew
Johnson wiped out the effects of this vindictive provision by exercising his
pardoning powers. He issued a
proclamation of full amnesty, granting `unconditionally and without reservation’
to all who had been engaged in the Southern cause, a `full pardon.’” (See The
Making of America – The Substance and Meaning of the Constitution, pp.
725-726.)
Paul Moreno offered further
explanation about this “disqualification of former rebels for federal and state
office.” He said it “was the most controversial
of the sections of the Fourteenth Amendment.
It appeared to be vindictive and to intrude on the President’s pardon
power. It certainly made the
ratification of new state constitutions in the South less likely – and some
Congressmen believed that this was a deliberate stratagem to keep the Southern
states out of the Union until after the 1868 election. An original draft of the section would have
disqualified all who had voluntarily aided the Confederacy until 1870, but the
Senate adopted Senator Jacob Howard’s less severe but potentially more
permanent version. Congress lifted the
disqualification of many individuals, and in 1872 it did so for all but Members
of the Thirty-seventh (1861-1863) and Thirty-eighth Congresses (1863-1865),
federal judicial and military officers, heads of departments, and foreign
ministers. In 1898, Congress removed all
disqualifications for previous disloyal conduct. Despite being written in a particular
historical context, the clause is still in operation and would apply in the
case of future insurrections or rebellion.”
(See The Heritage Guide to the
Constitution, p. 406.)
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