Size of parental and ancestral families influences the size of current families. Children who were reared with siblings tend to want their children to be reared with siblings, according to Stephanie H. Murray. Larger families can strengthen communities, states, and nations.
I
grew up in what, by modern standards, is a pretty big family. I have four
siblings, including two sisters – one older and one younger. At the moment, my
older sister has four children. My younger sister and I are each in the process
of welcoming our thirds….
Given
that we’re all millennials with graduate degrees, the childbearing trajectory
my sisters and I have followed is already a bit unusual. These days, an American
woman with a master’s degree has an average of 1.4 kids, and won’t have her
first child until she is 30. At that age, my sisters and I already had two each….
But
in another sense, the earlier-and-more approach to parenthood my sisters and I
have taken is entirely in step with a pattern demographers have observed in
many countries: the “intergenerational transmission of fertility.” That’s just
a big way of saying that people tend to mirror the older generations in their
family tree when starting a family. Kids without a sibling are more likely than
others to stay childless in adulthood. Those who grow up with a bunch of
siblings are more likely to go on to have a lot of kids themselves. The more children
that your aunts, uncles, grandparents and in-laws have, the more you’re likely
to have. Bigger families beget bigger families.
My
experience testifies that bigger families have bigger families although the
size of families has grown smaller. My parents have twelve children, most of
whom have larger families: Brother #1 (3
children), Brother #2 (9 children), Sister #1 (8 children), Sister #2 (5
children), Brother #3 (3 children), Sister #3 (4 children), (Sister #4 (1 child
by adoption), Me (6 children), Brother #4 (9 children), Sister #5 (7 children),
Sister #6 (10 children), and Sister #7 (5 children) for a total of 70
grandchildren for my parents and an average of nearly 6 grandchildren per child.
My
husband’s parents have three children: Son #1 (6 children), Son #2 (infertile),
and Daughter #1 (2 children) for a total of 8 grandchildren and an average of
almost 3 grandchildren per child.
I have
six children, half the number that my parents have, but twice the number that
my husband’s parents have. However, my six children follow the same pattern:
Daughter #1 (infertile), Daughter #2 (4 children), Son #1 (4 children), Daughter
#3 (4 children), Son #2 (1 child – wife has
brain cancer), and Daughter #4 (6 children) for a total of 19 grandchildren and
an average of more than three grandchildren per child.
Murray
discussed how children in larger families have fewer temporal/physical
blessings than children in smaller families. Children in larger families tend
share bedrooms, wear hand-me-downs, and get “a smaller slice of your parents’
resources, be that money or time.” I know that this is true because I come from
a family of twelve children. I did not miss the “things” as a child, but I
understood as an adult that there were other blessings that made up for the
material things that we did not have.
Having
seven sisters necessitated that we shared beds – three to a double bed with the
baby sleeping with parents. The boys slept two to a bed. I grew close to my
siblings because we did so much together. During the daytime, we worked
together to haul hay, herd cattle or sheep, and milk cows. At night, we had “pillow
talk” until sleep took us. We were never alone and always had someone with whom
to play.
Murray
stated that statisticians have studied for more than 120 years the way that “family
sizes correlate across generations” to determine how and why. They found three
prominent theories [that] “fall into three broad – and not entirely distinct –
categories.”
The first is genetics: We all have the same genes as our
parents. “Those genes may influence several aspects of a woman’s life that, in
turn, impact the number of kids she has.”
But
arguably the best-evidenced explanation for the intergenerational transmission
of fertility is what Bernardi refers to as status inheritance. “We are born in
families that have a given educational level, a given social status, a given
residential outlook,” she says. As such, we share quite a few sociodemographic characteristics
with our parents that are “proven to be very much related to fertility levels,
fertility timing and preferences.”
Factors
like these explain a good chunk of the link between siblings and fertility in
the U.S., but not all of it, Vogl says. Tinkering with data from the General
Social Survey, he couldn’t get the association to disappear by accounting for
such attributes, “so there’s a lot left that I don’t know how to explain.”
[Second] The children of college-educated Americans
tend to go to college themselves,
for example, and women with a college education tend to have fewer kids than
their less-educated counterparts. [This is not true for my daughters by blood
and marriage: Five of the six women have master’s degrees with one having a
doctorate; the sixth daughter has a five-year nursing degree. All fathers have master’s
degrees or doctorates.] Likewise, religion tends to be passed from parent to
child, and religious folks tend to have more kids than nonreligious ones…. [My
family is also religious, so we are influenced by genetics, education, and
religion.]
The
last, and perhaps murkiest, of the possible causes of the big family to big
family link is what Bernardi calls “socialization.” This would include all the
ways that growing up in a particular family shape one’s attitudes toward family
formation. As our first reference, our families offer a model for what a family
ought to look like. Likewise, parents may hold certain values that they impress
upon their kids….
And
despite its persistence, the intergenerational transmission of fertility has
not been enough to counteract the massive decline in fertility that has
occurred across the world over the past couple of centuries….
If
that’s the case, the tendency for people from big families to have more kids
will not be enough to reverse our country’s ongoing baby bust. But I suspect
that America may still have something to learn from big families. America would
be a more family-friendly place if its culture more closely resembled that of a
large family. If the effort of raising children was more broadly valued, if
parenthood was more relaxed, if kids weren’t tucked away in gated playgrounds
and schools, but were an ever-present aspect of daily life. Maybe then, even
those who didn’t grow up in big families might not hesitate so much to raise a
family, small or big, themselves.
Larger
families that are bound together in love and commitment are stronger, and
strong families strengthen communities, states, and nations.
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