The topic of
discussion for this Constitution Monday comes from Article III, Section 2, and
Clause 3: “The Trial of All Crimes,
except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury….” This provision informs us that individuals indicted
for crimes have the right to a trial by jury; it also tells us that impeachment
proceedings, which take place in the U.S. Senate, do not qualify for jury
trials.
Our Founding Fathers considered
trials by jury to be important enough to include this clause in the
Constitution. W. Cleon Skousen gave the
following explanation: “Up until 1895
Americans enjoyed all of the powers of the original common law jury. This was a far more powerful instrument of
justice than the jury system today. In
fact, the Founders considered it the foremost defense in the American legal
structure to protect the people against oppressive laws passed by the
legislature or abusive judges deliberately misinterpreting the law.
“The common law jury not only
had power to `determine the facts,’ but it also had authority to `determine the
law.’ It could determine what the law
meant and whether or not the jury considered it constitutional. The jury could even ignore the law if it felt
it would cause an injustice if applied to the case at hand.
“Under these circumstances the
jury was allowed to hear the arguments of attorneys on both sides as to the
meaning of the law and how it should be applied in that particular case.
“Furthermore, although the judge
interpreted the law for the jury, they were not bound to accept his
interpretation. In other words, the
interpretation of the judge was merely `advisory.’ The jury was free to reach its own
conclusions as to just what the law required.
“Such were the powers of the
original American common law jury” (The
Making of America – The Substance and Meaning of the Constitution, pp.
614-615).
Rachel E. Barkow at The Heritage
Foundation gave further explanation:
“The American right to a trial by a jury of one’s peers traces its
lineage back to 1297 and the Magna Carta.
By the mid-sixteenth century, the jury had already taken on the form it
retains to this day in federal courts and some state courts – twelve citizens
were summoned to sit in sworn judgment of the criminal allegations against one
of their peers….
“Because judges themselves were
part of the government, many framers feared they would not be an adequate check
on government abuse of the criminal process.
The jury, therefore, was made part of the original structure of
government in order to provide a mechanism for ensuring that individuals would
not lose their liberty under a criminal law until the people themselves
concurred.
“In many criminal cases in the
nation’s early history, the jury not only applied the law to the fats it found,
but decided questions of law themselves….
“Over time, however, this power
eroded. In 1895, the Supreme Court
concluded in Sparf and Hansen v. United
States that the jury did not have the `right’ to decide legal
questions. As a result, today judges can
– and do – instruct juries that they must accept the judge’s view of the law,
and lawyers are no longer allowed to argue the merits of the law to the
jury. Because the jury possesses
authority to issue an unreviewable general verdict of acquittal, the jury
nevertheless retains the raw power to check general laws with which it
disagrees in individual cases. But
because the trial judge does not instruct the jury that it has this authority,
the jurors may not know that they have it.
In addition, even if the jurors are aware of this power, they must
exercise it knowing it is contrary to the judge’s instructions, even when the
jury itself disagrees with the law in question, with the judge’s interpretation
of the law, or with the law’s application in the case before it.”
Barkow stated that the power of
the jury to check the government has eroded in other ways as well. 1) A defendant can now waive a jury trial in
favor of a bench trial but could not do so prior to 1930. 2) The majority of cases never reach the jury
because they are resolved by plea bargain.
3) Congress and state legislatures “identify blameworthy behavior and
specify the criminal punishment for that behavior” and insist “that judges, not
juries, apply these laws” (The Heritage
Guide to the Constitution, pp. 262-263).
These two explanations helped me
to understand more clearly why some criminals are not forced to pay the price
for their behavior and are set free to prey on the people once again. It also makes clear how judges with their own
agendas can do more damage to our society than would be done by a group of
people who are the defendant’s peers.
The framers were very wise when they wrote the Constitution, but their
founding document and instructions have been changed to suit the designs of
evil men and women.
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